Ukraine



Ukraine Opposition Introduces Bill Decriminalizing St. George Ribbon

Ukraine's parliamentary faction "Opposition Bloc" introduced a bill seeking to cancel punishment for making or wearing Saint George ribbons, a symbol of World War II victory popular in the former Soviet countries, according to the parliament's w

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Ukraine Opposition Introduces Bill Decriminalizing St. George Ribbon

Ukraine's parliamentary faction "Opposition Bloc" introduced a bill seeking to cancel punishment for making or wearing Saint George ribbons, a symbol of World War II victory popular in the former Soviet countries, according to the parliament's website.

The bill proposes an amendment to the law approved by the parliament on Tuesday, which, if signed by President Petro Poroshenko, would introduce fines or arrest for making or wearing of the ribbon in Ukraine, with an exception made for war veterans whose medals or orders incorporate elements of the ribbon.

During the latest celebrations of the anniversary of World War II victory in Ukraine, several people were reportedly taken into police custody for wearing communism-related symbols forbidden in Ukraine. The Saint George ribbon was not forbidden at the time.

The symbol first became associated with the Victory Day celebrations in Russia in 2005.

Ukraine’s ban on the St. George ribbon, a symbol of the 1945 victory in WWII, amounts to blasphemy and bigotry, and points to a crisis in values plaguing the Kiev regime, Chairman of Russia’s Federation Council (upper house of parliament) Committee for Constitutional Law and State Building Andrey Klishas told reporters.

According to him, the decision to ban the St. George ribbon, made by the Verkhovna Rada (Ukrainian parliament) on Tuesday, as well as other restrictions, will only spark a social crisis. "By banning the St. George ribbon, cultivating a culture of hate against Russia and denying their own history, they are openly celebrating bigotry," Klishas’ press service quoted him as saying.

The Russian senator also said that the hatred against everything Russian, encouraged by the Ukrainian authorities in order to solve domestic problems, was approaching its peak. "The use of force, lies and doubletalk to change society’s values can only lead to the state’s destruction. Attempts to present a symbol of the great victory as "a symbol of the enemy made up by Soviet propaganda," as Verkhovna Rada member Dmitry Linko said, are nothing more than an insult to society," Klishas added.

In the senator’s opinion, such laws and statements indicate that the Ukrainian ruling class has inherited its ideas from those who were convicted for war crimes at Nuremberg 70 years ago.

"A torchlight procession was held in Kiev to mark the birthday of Stepan Bandera, the Ukrainian "special battalions" use symbols reminiscent of those employed by the Nazi SS, participants in marches held ahead of the Victory Day carried portraits of Roman Shukhevich and Stepan Bandera, while arrests were carried out during the Immortal Regiment march in Kiev and veterans of the Great Patriotic War were bullied. All this highlights a deep crisis in values that the state has been facing," the Russian senator concluded.


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TASS


How an unlikely PR campaign made a ribbon the symbol of Russian patriotism

The St. George ribbons are ubiquitous in Russia, particularly in the weeks before the Victory Day celebration on May 9, when they symbolize patriotism and the memory of the war. The ribbon is one of the most successful stories in Russia’s search for unifying symbols under President Vladimir Putin, tying modern support for the state to the country’s Soviet-era contribution to the defeat of fascism.

But until 2005, the ribbon was rarely used as a symbol tied to the war at all. The Order of St. George wasn’t awarded during what Russians call the Great Patriotic War, or World War II, because it was abolished after the Communist revolution and only revived in 2000. (Other awards, like the Order of Glory, pictured below, were minted during the war and did carry an orange-and-black ribbon, as did elite “guards” units beginning in 1942.)

But what brought back the orange-and-black ribbon was a 2005 PR campaign at Russia’s RIA Novosti state-run news agency, where the head of Internet projects, Natalya Loseva, was tasked with coming up with a souvenir to accompany the site’s online project collecting family memories about the war. The ribbons were “not made up from nothing,” she said in a 2014 interview. “We took a familiar combination of colors, a familiar context. ... These factors came together and it evoked quite a natural reaction in society.” The ribbons were first handed out by student volunteers in 2005 but quickly found support from the city and federal government, which distributed the ribbons widely both in Russia and abroad.

By 2014, more than 100 million ribbons had been distributed. Columnists at RIA Novosti claimed that its “grass-roots” campaign had succeeded where top-down efforts to create unifying symbols of Russian identity had failed.

“The ribbons that symbolized martial glory and remembrance succeeded where Independence Day and many other symbols failed — they united the Russian people,” RIA Novosti wrote in an op-ed in 2007, when 10 million ribbons had been distributed abroad.

The ribbons quickly adopted a political meaning, too.

Oleg Kashin, a liberal journalist, wrote that Russian nationalists were already wearing the ribbon during protests in Estonia in 2007, when the NATO-aligned government of the former Soviet republic announced it wanted to remove a Soviet war memorial from a central square.

“The participants of that spring also wore the ribbon and it was an important episode in the transformation of the ribbon into a symbol of a concrete political partiality and views, and not just memory,” Kashin wrote in 2014 after the ribbon became controversial because of its use in east Ukraine. “The ribbon was a symbol of memory, then almost immediately became a symbol of the state, and then a symbol of loyalty to the authorities.”

There were rumors that the ribbons were invented as a counterrevolutionary symbol to Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution, although those seem untrue. Later, however, when a mix of Russian liberals, nationalists and other activists coalesced in a 100,000 person strong rallies under the symbol of a white ribbon, some presented the St. George ribbon as one of opposition. “St. George’s Ribbon stands against the White Ribbon," Dmitry Rogozin, a hawkish deputy prime minister, tweeted then.

Loseva, the inventor of the ribbon, said she was never comfortable with the ribbon’s use as a political symbol, particularly when separatists in Ukraine rallied around the colors orange and black as a symbol of their support for Moscow (and Moscow’s support for them).

“Now it’s suddenly and spontaneously being used against part of the Ukrainian people and the authorities of the Maidan,” the main square in Kiev where large protests are held, Loseva said in her 2014 interview. “I am not sure, that this kind of politicization of symbols and signs is good.”

This year the biggest issue is slightly more practical: how to properly wear the St. George ribbon. One group, Volunteers of the Victory, has declared that tying the ribbons to bags or car antennae (where they quickly become ragged) is no longer allowed. The ribbons can be tied in a bow, square or loop and attached to a jacket lapel or affixed elsewhere on one’s clothing, preferably “closer to the heart.” Putin’s press secretary Dmitri Peskov, however, balked at these new rules: “I have been wearing the St. George ribbon for eight years on my bag,” he said. “And I don’t want someone to punish me for how I wear the St. George ribbon.”


WashingtonPost

The bill proposes an amendment to the law approved by the parliament on Tuesday, which, if signed by President Petro Poroshenko, would introduce fines or arrest for making or wearing of the ribbon in Ukraine, with an exception made for war veterans whose medals or orders incorporate elements of the ribbon.

During the latest celebrations of the anniversary of World War II victory in Ukraine, several people were reportedly taken into police custody for wearing communism-related symbols forbidden in Ukraine. The Saint George ribbon was not forbidden at the time.

The symbol first became associated with the Victory Day celebrations in Russia in 2005.

Ukraine’s ban on the St. George ribbon, a symbol of the 1945 victory in WWII, amounts to blasphemy and bigotry, and points to a crisis in values plaguing the Kiev regime, Chairman of Russia’s Federation Council (upper house of parliament) Committee for Constitutional Law and State Building Andrey Klishas told reporters.

According to him, the decision to ban the St. George ribbon, made by the Verkhovna Rada (Ukrainian parliament) on Tuesday, as well as other restrictions, will only spark a social crisis. "By banning the St. George ribbon, cultivating a culture of hate against Russia and denying their own history, they are openly celebrating bigotry," Klishas’ press service quoted him as saying.

The Russian senator also said that the hatred against everything Russian, encouraged by the Ukrainian authorities in order to solve domestic problems, was approaching its peak. "The use of force, lies and doubletalk to change society’s values can only lead to the state’s destruction. Attempts to present a symbol of the great victory as "a symbol of the enemy made up by Soviet propaganda," as Verkhovna Rada member Dmitry Linko said, are nothing more than an insult to society," Klishas added.

In the senator’s opinion, such laws and statements indicate that the Ukrainian ruling class has inherited its ideas from those who were convicted for war crimes at Nuremberg 70 years ago.

"A torchlight procession was held in Kiev to mark the birthday of Stepan Bandera, the Ukrainian "special battalions" use symbols reminiscent of those employed by the Nazi SS, participants in marches held ahead of the Victory Day carried portraits of Roman Shukhevich and Stepan Bandera, while arrests were carried out during the Immortal Regiment march in Kiev and veterans of the Great Patriotic War were bullied. All this highlights a deep crisis in values that the state has been facing," the Russian senator concluded.


SputnikNews

TASS


How an unlikely PR campaign made a ribbon the symbol of Russian patriotism

The St. George ribbons are ubiquitous in Russia, particularly in the weeks before the Victory Day celebration on May 9, when they symbolize patriotism and the memory of the war. The ribbon is one of the most successful stories in Russia’s search for unifying symbols under President Vladimir Putin, tying modern support for the state to the country’s Soviet-era contribution to the defeat of fascism.

But until 2005, the ribbon was rarely used as a symbol tied to the war at all. The Order of St. George wasn’t awarded during what Russians call the Great Patriotic War, or World War II, because it was abolished after the Communist revolution and only revived in 2000. (Other awards, like the Order of Glory, pictured below, were minted during the war and did carry an orange-and-black ribbon, as did elite “guards” units beginning in 1942.)

But what brought back the orange-and-black ribbon was a 2005 PR campaign at Russia’s RIA Novosti state-run news agency, where the head of Internet projects, Natalya Loseva, was tasked with coming up with a souvenir to accompany the site’s online project collecting family memories about the war. The ribbons were “not made up from nothing,” she said in a 2014 interview. “We took a familiar combination of colors, a familiar context. ... These factors came together and it evoked quite a natural reaction in society.” The ribbons were first handed out by student volunteers in 2005 but quickly found support from the city and federal government, which distributed the ribbons widely both in Russia and abroad.

By 2014, more than 100 million ribbons had been distributed. Columnists at RIA Novosti claimed that its “grass-roots” campaign had succeeded where top-down efforts to create unifying symbols of Russian identity had failed.

“The ribbons that symbolized martial glory and remembrance succeeded where Independence Day and many other symbols failed — they united the Russian people,” RIA Novosti wrote in an op-ed in 2007, when 10 million ribbons had been distributed abroad.

The ribbons quickly adopted a political meaning, too.

Oleg Kashin, a liberal journalist, wrote that Russian nationalists were already wearing the ribbon during protests in Estonia in 2007, when the NATO-aligned government of the former Soviet republic announced it wanted to remove a Soviet war memorial from a central square.

“The participants of that spring also wore the ribbon and it was an important episode in the transformation of the ribbon into a symbol of a concrete political partiality and views, and not just memory,” Kashin wrote in 2014 after the ribbon became controversial because of its use in east Ukraine. “The ribbon was a symbol of memory, then almost immediately became a symbol of the state, and then a symbol of loyalty to the authorities.”

There were rumors that the ribbons were invented as a counterrevolutionary symbol to Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution, although those seem untrue. Later, however, when a mix of Russian liberals, nationalists and other activists coalesced in a 100,000 person strong rallies under the symbol of a white ribbon, some presented the St. George ribbon as one of opposition. “St. George’s Ribbon stands against the White Ribbon," Dmitry Rogozin, a hawkish deputy prime minister, tweeted then.

Loseva, the inventor of the ribbon, said she was never comfortable with the ribbon’s use as a political symbol, particularly when separatists in Ukraine rallied around the colors orange and black as a symbol of their support for Moscow (and Moscow’s support for them).

“Now it’s suddenly and spontaneously being used against part of the Ukrainian people and the authorities of the Maidan,” the main square in Kiev where large protests are held, Loseva said in her 2014 interview. “I am not sure, that this kind of politicization of symbols and signs is good.”

This year the biggest issue is slightly more practical: how to properly wear the St. George ribbon. One group, Volunteers of the Victory, has declared that tying the ribbons to bags or car antennae (where they quickly become ragged) is no longer allowed. The ribbons can be tied in a bow, square or loop and attached to a jacket lapel or affixed elsewhere on one’s clothing, preferably “closer to the heart.” Putin’s press secretary Dmitri Peskov, however, balked at these new rules: “I have been wearing the St. George ribbon for eight years on my bag,” he said. “And I don’t want someone to punish me for how I wear the St. George ribbon.”


WashingtonPost

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Protect Freedom of Expression and Media Pluralism

Europe is not happy with this decision.

The world community quite sharply reacted to the decision by Ukrainian authorities to block access to Russian Internet resources, which fell under the sanctions.

Europe, which regularly suffered

Новости - mainAssistant.com

Protect Freedom of Expression and Media Pluralism

Europe is not happy with this decision.

The world community quite sharply reacted to the decision by Ukrainian authorities to block access to Russian Internet resources, which fell under the sanctions.

Europe, which regularly suffered from acts of Russian propaganda and kiberd, alert has responded to the Ukraine’s struggle with Russian aggression by means of restrictions to the Russian sites, through which the Russian intelligence agencies surely felt in Ukraine.

As you know, yesterday the President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko has put into action the decision of the Council about the ban in Ukraine a number of online resources, including popular social networks and websites as “Vkontakte”, “Odnoklassniki”, “IMDb”, “Yandex” and others. Under the sanctions also got famous software products of “1C”, “Kaspersky”, “Mail.ru”.

So, first and foremost, of course, commented on the situation of the country, against which imposed sanctions. The Kremlin said that Ukraine is not so much some powerful information resources and popular in Russian-speaking countries, however, continue to “closely monitor the situation in Ukraine.”

But the international human rights organization Freedom House believes that blocking Russian sites restricts the freedom of free expression of opinions and beliefs.

“We are concerned about the decision that Ukraine might block access to the media resources, websites and the media. This can lead to restriction of access to information, debate political and social issues of citizens in a pluralistic media sector”, – said the Director of the Ukrainian representative office of the organization Matthew Schaaf.

The German foreign Ministry was concerned to take the news from Ukraine. So, the official representative of the German foreign Ministry Martin Schaefer said that “much of what is accepted in respect of the media… causes us issues in the field of freedom of the press and the media.”

“We very carefully and with some concern noted yesterday’s new sanctions of the Ukrainian government, the Ukrainian President and the national security Council against Russia”, – he said.

In the same spirit spoke and the Secretary General of the Council of Europe thorbjørn Aged, which worries that sanctions against Russian sites violate the freedom of expression in Ukraine.

“Blocking social networking, search engines, email services and news websites is contrary to our common understanding of freedom of expression and freedom of media. In addition, such broad prohibitions do not meet the principle of proportionality, ” said the European politician.

Harsh comments about the sanction against the Russian Internet resources, the international human rights organization Human Rights Watch, which believes that Ukraine should repeal the ban on Russian Internet platforms.

Petro Poroshenko struck a terrible blow to freedom of speech in Ukraine. It is inexcusable violation of the rights of Ukrainians to information of their choice. EU and other international partners of Ukraine should immediately call on Ukraine to cancel it,” – said the representative of the NGO Tanya Cooper.

Representatives of the European Union was more restrained and yet just want to get away from Ukraine for additional information regarding the adopted sanction decisions.

To enter the position of Ukraine could only NATO military bloc, where it is believed that blocking Russian sites in Ukraine – it is a safety issue, not freedom of speech.

“The Ukrainian government has made clear that this decision is a safety issue, not freedom of speech. NATO is working with Ukraine to strengthen its reforms, including issues of democracy, rule of law and respect for human rights. Freedom of the press is included in this dialogue. We believe in Ukraine’s commitment to its international obligations and the existing in Ukraine system of checks and balances,” – said the press service of the Alliance.

Revoke Ban on Dozens of Russian Web Companies

“This is yet another example of the ease with which President Poroshenko unjustifiably tries to control public discourse in Ukraine,” said Tanya Cooper, Ukraine researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Poroshenko may try to justify this latest step, but it is a cynical, politically expedient attack on the right to information affecting millions of Ukrainians, and their personal and professional lives.”

Ukrainian internet service providers would be required to block access to internet companies that are on a government sanctions list. The decree includes an appendix with a widely expanded list of individuals and companies under sanction in Ukraine. Experts said it would be hard to enforce.

The decree imposes a ban on access to popular Russian social media networks, such as VK (formerly VKontakte) and Odnoklassniki, both owned by the Mail.Ru Group. Alisher Usmanov, an oligarch with close ties to the Kremlin, owns stakes in the Mail.Ru Group. As of April, 78 percent of all internet users in Ukraine, or around 20 million, had a VK account.

The decree also orders a block on public access to the Russian search engine Yandex and its various services, such as Yandex.Music, Yandex.Money, and dozens of others with .ua and .ru domains. As of March, 48 percent of internet users in Ukraine used Yandex daily.

Various software programs, such as the language processing software ABBYY and accounting software 1C, used by many Ukrainian companies, have also been banned. Other companies affected are the Russian media companies RBC, Ren-TV, TNT, NTV Plus, the 1 Channel, Zvezda, Moscow 24, a Russian state news agency Rossiya Segodnya, and internet security companies Kaspersky Lab and DrWeb. Russian banks, airlines, oil companies, defense industry companies, and Crimean businesses are also affected.

The presidential decree, which enacts a decision by the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine, was published on May 16, 2017. It is one in a series of measures imposing economic sanctions on individuals and legal entities with ties to the Russian government. Such sanctions include freezing of assets in Ukraine and other economic and financial restrictions; for individuals, it also means a ban on people on the sanctions list entering the country.

The decree expands the list of those under sanction in Ukraine to 1,228 individuals and 468 legal entities in Russia, Russia-occupied Crimea, areas in eastern Ukraine’s Donetsk and Luhansk regions controlled by Russia-backed separatists, and other countries. The duration of sanctions varies from one to three years.

The decree assigns monitoring the sanctions to Ukraine’s Cabinet of Ministers, the National Security Service, and the National Bank of Ukraine.

Oksana Romaniuk, executive director of Kyiv-based Institute of Mass Information, told Human Rights Watch that the government had not provided a valid justification for why such a broad ban on online companies was necessary. She also insisted that the decree would be hard to enforce without changing the law. Currently, only a court can order internet service providers to take action against a website. The head of Ukraine’s internet association, Oleksandr Fedienko, said in a media interview that Ukrainian internet service providers don’t have the technical ability to block Russian social media and news websites. He also said the ban would be ineffective due to a variety of ways to circumvent online censorship.

Ukraine is a party to the European Convention on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, both of which guarantee freedom of expression, including access to information. Only restrictions that are necessary and proportionate for a legitimate purpose may be imposed, and the ban set out in the decree does not pass that test.

In the past two years, Poroshenko has signed similar decrees introducing sanctions. In June 2016, a presidential decree banned 17 Russian journalists, editors, and media executives from traveling to Ukraine. In September 2015, the government banned several hundred Russian individuals and legal entities from entering Ukraine for a year. Among them were 41 journalists and bloggers from several countries, including Russia, Israel, the United Kingdom, and Germany. In May 2016, Poroshenko removed 29 people from the list of those sanctioned.

“In a single move Poroshenko dealt a terrible blow to freedom of expression in Ukraine,” Cooper said. “It’s an inexcusable violation of Ukrainians’ right to information of their choice, and the European Union and Ukraine’s other international partners should immediately call on Ukraine to reverse it.”

Vkontakte, the Russian version of Facebook, on Wednesday sent its millions of Ukrainian users instructions on how to circumvent a ban by the Ukrainian government.

Kiev on Tuesday forbade Ukrainian web hosts to provide access to popular Russian social networks, part of a package of restrictions on Russian internet firms that it said was intended to guard against cyber threats.

Critics said the move amounted to censorship; Vkontakte is the second most visited site in Ukraine and part of the web empire of Russia's Mail.ru Group (MAILRq.L), which estimated that 25 million Ukrainian users could be affected.

In a statement to Reuters, Vkontakte said it had sent its users a link to instructions for accessing its website once the ban comes into effect.

"We love our Ukrainian users and want you to be able to remain in touch with your friends and close acquaintances always," the message said.

The instructions included links to virtual private networks and to Tor software, which is designed to protect user privacy.

Ukraine said the ban was necessary to guard against Russian propaganda and cyber attacks following a collapse in relations due to Russia's annexation of Crimea from Ukraine in 2014 and an ensuing conflict with pro-Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine.

But Human Rights Watch (HRW) and the Council of Europe said restricting access to social media amounted to an attack on freedom of expression.

"This is yet another example of the ease with which President Poroshenko unjustifiably tries to control public discourse in Ukraine," HRW's Ukraine researcher, Tanya Cooper, said in a statement.

In Ukraine, a petition calling for the ban to be revoked was posted on the president's website on Wednesday, while small protests were held in Kiev and the eastern city of Kharkiv.

Shortly after announcing the measures on Tuesday, Ukraine said Russia had mounted a cyber attack on President Petro Poroshenko's website. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov on Wednesday dismissed the accusation as baseless.

Ukrainian lawmaker Serhiy Leshchenko said the authorities in Kiev had gone too far.

"If the aim was to fight Russian influence, there are ways to work within the networks rather than blocking them entirely," he said in an opinion piece published on the website of the Ukrainian magazine Novoye Vremya.


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Tehran Times

Iran forecast to enter aging phase from 2041 to 2046

TEHRAN –Due to the rapid growth in the number of older adults in the country, Iran is expected to enter a phase of population aging between 2041 and 2046, with nearly a third of the population being aged 60 and older by 2050, an official with the National Population Headquarters has said.

Iran Health Expo kicks off in Tehran

TEHRAN – Tehran is playing host to the 26th international exhibition of medical, dental, pharmaceutical, and laboratory equipment (Iran Health Expo 2025), which kicked off today and will wrap up on June 13.
Tehran Times

Iran Health Expo kicks off in Tehran

TEHRAN – Tehran is playing host to the 26th international exhibition of medical, dental, pharmaceutical, and laboratory equipment (Iran Health Expo 2025), which kicked off today and will wrap up on June 13.

Customs brokers are cross-border trade gurus. With tariff whiplash, they're facing 'toxic uncertainty'

Customs brokers help businesses understand how much duty might apply to their imports and exports, then file that information with the government. With the ever-changing tariff landscape, brokers like Dan Patrick De Los Santos have been working overtime.
CBC | Canada News

Customs brokers are cross-border trade gurus. With tariff whiplash, they're facing 'toxic uncertainty'

Customs brokers help businesses understand how much duty might apply to their imports and exports, then file that information with the government. With the ever-changing tariff landscape, brokers like Dan Patrick De Los Santos have been working overtime.

For some, it's #MeToo vs. #HimToo at the Hockey Canada sexual assault trial

Outside the London, Ont., courthouse where five former world junior hockey players are on trial on sexual assault charges, supporters of the complainant — carrying signs like “I believe you E.M.” — have been confronted by #HimToo backers with signs o
CBC | Canada News

For some, it's #MeToo vs. #HimToo at the Hockey Canada sexual assault trial

Outside the London, Ont., courthouse where five former world junior hockey players are on trial on sexual assault charges, supporters of the complainant — carrying signs like “I believe you E.M.” — have been confronted by #HimToo backers with signs of their own: “5 careers ruined” and “E.M. cheated.”

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